UCPN (Maoist) must remain in the political process

NOV 25 -
With the counting of the votes cast under the first-past-the-post (FTPT) system of the second Constituent Assembly (CA) election over, the Nepali Congress (NC) has emerged as the largest party with 105 seats and the CPN-UML follows with 91 seats. The UCPN (Maoist), which had won 120 seats along with its breakaway CPN-Maoist faction, under FPTP in 2008, has been relegated to third position. It has only secured 25 seats so far. While the counting of ballots under proportional representation is underway, Darshan Karki spoke to political analyst Mumaram Khanal about the possible reasons for the UCPN (Maoist)’s resounding loss.

What accounts for the UCPN (Maoist)’s defeat in the election, compared to their sweeping victory in the 2008 CA election?

The Maoists established the agendas of federalism and republicanism. In 2008, they took these issues to the people and asked for votes. The Nepali people gave the Maoists the mandate to include all the aforementioned issues in the constitution. But they were unable to do so. Instead, they raised issues that were not part of the 2006 Janaandolan, like that of secularism and single-identity based federalism. The party also resorted to extreme casteist slogans. This affected the political equilibrium and the constitution could not be written in time. So despite being the largest party in the CA, the Maoist party was unable to do justice to its issues.

The primary reasons  that led to the Maoists’ loss in the direct elections were:

Responsibilities without rights

The leadership of the Maoist party has always centred around one person. This is what communists, who believe in the dictatorship of the proletariat, do. Once the Maoist party embraced democratic processes and the peace process, it created multiple positions. However, while taking decisions within the party, the ones who had been delegated different responsibilities—the central committee and politburo members—would not be consulted. Pushpa Kamal Dahal did consult Baburam Bhattarai sometimes but not the rest. This increased the distance between the main leadership and the second-tier leaders within the party.

Class conversion

Another important reason for the loss of the Maoists was their lifestyle. The main leaders in particular became corrupt and part of the bourgeoisie they were protesting against. They began to lead a very non-transparent lifestyle, which led to the breakdown of their relationship with their cadres. As they travelled in vehicles, their relationship with those who travelled by foot broke down. The top rung leadership was in the company of a different class altogether. The cadres began to perceive the leadership as corrupt, that it no longer represented the proletariats but had been transformed into neo-elites. The district-level leaders began copying the consumerist lifestyle of top leaders too. So the class affection that had bound party cadres together ceased to exist. The leadership, through its own actions, sent a message to the cadres that they should all think of bettering their own lives first and not run after the party.

Status of former ‘People’s Liberation Army’ (PLA) soldiers

The ex-PLA soldiers—some of whom got money while others got nothing—who had gone to live back in their villages are the ones who suffered the most. They lead a miserable life. So, on the one hand, the Maoist voters saw the plight of these fighters and on the other, they saw the Maoist leaders on television, travelling in expensive vehicles and flying in helicopters. In the villages, people encountered ex-fighters and cadres who were scolding the leaders everyday, lamenting that, had they not joined the party, they would be leading better lives now. The prevalent sentiment is that the party destroyed their lives and did not look after them. There is widespread anger among ex-soldiers. But the Maoist leadership never tried to learn of the party’s situation at the village level.

Distribution of tickets

While distributing the tickets for elections, selfless cadres who had been with the party since the time of the war were not given tickets nor were their names included in the proportional list. Instead, new people and those that had quit other parties to join the UCPN (Maoist) were given tickets. This angered deserving candidates and they made sure that the party’s candidate would lose. I met many people who were willing to contest election as alternate (bagi) candidates but did not even have Rs 3,000 to register. Instead, they started a grassroots campaign to punish their own leaders.

Loss of credibility among intellectuals

The Maoists also lost credibility among middle-class intellectuals. When the Maoists were in government, their own people turned out to be the most corrupt. So the middle-class, who had great expectations from the Maoists, was disillusioned. The Maoists would react to small matters emotionally but remain indifferent to serious political issues.

Alliance with Madhesi parties

When the Maoists formed a coalition with Madhesi parties in the CA, it shattered whatever little hope people had in them. The two had no common political agenda. The elites from the Madhes, who had benefited from the political system since the Panchayat era, tried to profit from the Madhes Movement. Instead of giving rights to the Madhesi people, the Maoists and the Madhesi parties forged an alliance to form an oligarchy, which would benefit them both. Later, they brought in Janajati elites to this club too. This greatly angered the different tiers of leadership within the Maoist party, which saw that top leaders had the freedom to collaborate with any force, even those that had no relationship to Marxism at all. This made it clear to people with some degree of political understanding that the Maoist party was not a principled, intellectual force.

Intra-party disputes

There were many fights at the top leadership level regarding the delegation of roles. Dahal would handpick a junior level party member and give him a higher position. While the likes of CP Gajurel were never given ministerial posts, members of the Rajya Samiti were made Finance Minister and Minister of Physical Planning. Dahal paralysed the party hierarchy. Once people began to see through him, a never-ending tussle began within the party. This continuous squabbling and division in leadership did not allow party cadres to unite.

No participation in decision-making

In its earlier days, the structure of the Maoist party was small. When I was in the party, the Central Committee only consisted of 31-32 people. We held meetings for six to seven days. Decisions were taken with everyone’s participation. However, of late, the Central Committee consists of 300 to 400 people. The meeting of this Committee ends in three hours. Instead of being a part of the decision making process, the Committee is merely informed of the decisions taken by the party leadership. There are around 500 Rajya Samitis and 700 District Committees. Intellectual discussions that are integral to communist parties have stopped taking place. Communist parties are cadre-based parties; the cadres discuss all issues and then pass it on to the higher levels. This practice ended as though it were a mass-based party. Party members who were accountable to the people and interested in politics all quit the party. New members, who only wanted to take benefit from the party, joined in large numbers.

Party split and restructuring

After the split in the party, there was a need to restructure the UCPN (Maoist). But it did not do so. After cadres left to join the Mohan Baidya-led CPN-Maoist, the UCPN (Maoist) reorganised the ones who stayed back. But it did not take into account their experience or capabilities while delegating responsibilities. Additionally, voters repeatedly heard the Baidya Maoists accuse the UCPN (Maoist) of being traitors to the ‘People’s War’ and surrendering to national and international forces. The Dahal-led Maoists did not organise any programme to denounce these accusations. In many places, Baidya-led Maoist cadres voted for the candidate of another party and encouraged others to do so.

Does the reaction of the UCPN (Maoist) to its loss say something about its political culture?

The party lacks the ability to strike a fine balance when needed and has no schooling on political accountability. The party could have easily accepted its victories and losses but accepting democratic processes when it wins and rejecting them when it loses raises questions about its political character. Dahal is taking this issue too lightly. As a former prime minister, he is part of the system. He willingly took part in the CA elections and now that the results are not favourable, he cannot simply extricate himself.

Could this loss bring the UCPN (Maoist) and the CPN-Maoist closer together?

If Dahal keeps saying that the party will stay out of the CA, he will have no option other than to unite with the Baidya-led Maoists. However, the rest of the party will not merge. Baburam Bhattarai can be expected to eventually accept the election results.

How will the Maoist loss affect the national politics?

Conflict of a different kind will arise. The nation seeks political stability but it will not achieve it so easily. However, the constitution will be written. Going by the poll outcomes, the Nepali Congress (NC) and CPN-UML can form an alliance to secure a two-thirds majority. The UCPN (Maoist) should enter the CA and exert pressure. All parties—the Maoists, NC, UML, Madhesi parties—agree on democratic republicanism and secularism. Only the Rastriya Prajatantra Party-Nepal differs but its strength will be negligible if the rest remain united. So it is very important that the UCPN (Maoist) becomes a part of the political process.

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